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How the European Left can survive

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These are terrible times for center-left parties in Europe. Social Democrats were defeated in Spain, Croatia and Ireland this year, and suffered crushing losses in Lithuania and the Czech Republic. In recent votes in the United Kingdom and Austria, up to 80 percent of workers turned away from the center-left and cast their vote for right-wing populists. Today, only two European Union countries are exclusively governed by the center-left: Portugal — where a battered Social Democratic Party heads a shaky minority government — and the Mediterranean island of Malta.

As Europe’s center-left faces an existential crisis, the infighting in its ranks has taken on the self-destructive proportions of civil war. In the U.K., Spain and France, party leaders have been challenged or replaced by proponents of ideological purity. For many party strategists — including rank-and-file activists — the course of action is clear: move to the left and return from Babylonian exile in neoliberalism.

Center-left parties, they said, can only regain the confidence of their traditional support base by focusing on traditional positions, most importantly in economic matters. The Left’s recent rediscovery of social justice and inequality is evidence of this shift, as is the sharp turn against fiscal austerity and free-trade agreements — such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership — across the Continent.

European voters are increasingly skeptical of unregulated migration and concerned about security.

In itself, this is not a bad idea. But on its own, this change of course is unlikely to reconcile workers with workers’ parties. A shift to the left on the economy might give party activists a sense of ideological purpose, but it is not likely to close the widening gap between center-left parties and their voters. Generally speaking, it is not the economy that keeps European voters up at night.

According to annual continent-wide Eurobarometer polls conducted by the European Commission, immigration and terrorism trump the economy and unemployment as European’s biggest concerns. This shouldn’t come as a surprise. EU-wide unemployment is currently at the lowest level since 2009 and even youth joblessness is decreasing.

Political campaigners intent on moving to the left on economic issues are attempting to answer questions voters are not asking. This is particularly obvious in Western and Northern Europe, where right-wing populists are currently making the greatest inroads.

Europe’s center-left needs to let go of its economic focus and pay attention to the full spectrum of public concerns. It is crucial that it starts to answer to voters’ concerns to avoid playing into the hands of the Continent’s rampant populists.

European voters are increasingly skeptical of unregulated migration and concerned about security. Center-left parties will need to actively engage these citizens, given the ever-present threat of terrorism on the Continent.

Navigating this sensitive and controversial issue without giving in to prejudice is a daunting task, but it is crucial that the center-left establishment recognize and address voters’ genuine concerns. Dismissing populist voters and labeling them as “extremist” will not help solve the root causes of the problem. This approach extends an invitation for real extremists and fringe politicians, who are only too keen to exploit the opportunity.

The sooner center-left parties accept this new reality, the sooner they will reconnect with everyday voters. One thing is clear: Elections will not be won by focusing on imaginary voters — or their imaginary concerns.

Michael Bröning is head of the international policy department of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, a think tank affiliated to the Social Democratic Party of Germany.


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