Nothing has quite been the same in British politics since the country’s 2016 vote to leave the European Union. Our political leadership is tearing itself apart over how to implement Brexit, and we’re facing unprecedented levels of uncertainty about our country’s future.
One thing, however, hasn’t changed — and it’s something that offers us a blueprint for how to keep engaging with Europe.
Britain is, and will remain, a European power. Our geopolitical interests haven’t shifted with our decision to leave the EU, and we must urgently turn our attention to how we continue to do diplomacy with our European neighbors after Brexit.
For centuries, Britain has stood shoulder to shoulder with other European governments resisting repeated attempts to change the balance of power in Europe. Whether the aggressor was Louis XIV, Napoleon, the Kaiser or Adolf Hitler, we resisted their pleas to remain neutral in our island sanctuary and led the armed resistance that, ultimately, defeated them. During the Cold War, the U.K. was one of the staunchest supporters of European and Western solidarity against the Soviet Union.
More recently, foreign policy cooperation has been one of the few areas where the U.K. has not been the awkward customer in Brussels. Britain, Germany and France have, more often than not, found it not too difficult to reach agreement in a way that has enabled Europe to speak to Washington and the wider world with a single voice.
Britain, despite its looming exit from the European project, is well-placed to keep Europe from becoming irrelevant.
Today, the need for Europe to take a common stance on strategic issues is more important than ever.
The Continent’s power and influence is fragmenting, just as the China, Russia and India join the U.S. as powerful players on the world stage. For the first time since the 17th century, Europe is at risk of becoming peripheral and marginalized on key issues.
Britain, despite its looming exit from the European project, is well-placed to keep Europe from becoming irrelevant.
Even during depressingly unsuccessful Brexit negotiations — when Britain and the rest of Europe appeared to agree on little else — the two sides have worked closely on foreign policy issues.
NATO will remain Britain’s closest partnership | Petras Malukas/AFP via Getty Images
London has sided with Berlin and Paris — and not with the White House — on the Iran nuclear deal, climate change, free trade and in opposing the relocation of Western embassies to Jerusalem. London also backs its European partners’ position that governments should not be more polite to dictators than to democratic Western allies.
France and Germany know that for Europe to implement effective policies with maximum impact regarding Russia, China and other regions, the bloc will have to work closely with the U.K. — even after it is no longer part of the EU’s Foreign Affairs Council and loses its power to veto EU initiatives.
The best way to work together on these crucial strategic issues will be to establish an EU+1 format that allows Britain, France and Germany to meet and, if possible, come up with common negotiating positions on major foreign policy issues. Where we can find a common approach, we’ll be stronger for it. When we can’t, we will each be free to go our own way.
There are good precedents for this type of set up: A P5+1 group — the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council plus Germany — was formed to conduct the negotiations with Iran about their nuclear program. Germany was added to the formation after members realized Berlin’s economic and political strength would be crucial to persuading Iran of the need to compromise.
Likewise, when French General Charles de Gaulle threatened to take his country out of NATO because the country could no longer participate in the alliance’s Integrated Military Structure under U.S. command, a flexible agreement was reached to change the rules and keep France as a member.
Britain needs Europe. And Europe needs Britain. There is nothing about Brexit that requires that cooperation to be abandoned.
Diplomacy has always been about flexibility and compromise in the pursuit of securing or maintaining vital national interests. No matter what happens with Brexit, the U.K., France and Germany will still need each other.
NATO — with full American participation — will remain Britain’s closest partnership and help secure the military capability to deter aggression. But the United States is not the only partner we need. Indeed, Washington and London are competitors on trade and differ in their views when it comes to Iran, China, the Middle East and climate change.
Britain needs Europe. And Europe needs Britain. There is nothing about Brexit that requires that cooperation to be abandoned.
Malcolm Rifkind was defense secretary then foreign secretary between 1992-1997. He is visiting professor at the department of war studies at King’s College London.