Italy is ready to move on from the Matteo Salvini immigration playbook — but it won’t be able to do it alone.
As part of the new government in Rome’s pivot back to Europe, Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte has pledged to break with the hard-line immigration policies championed by the former far-right interior minister. Last week, Italy allowed an NGO rescue vessel to dock in Lampedusa, following a deal to relocate refugees among EU countries.
Europe can’t expect Italy to do all the heavy lifting — or expect that a change of heart in Rome will be enough to solve the Continent’s migration challenge.
Salvini’s approach — blocking ports, cracking down on NGOs conducting search-and-rescue operations and picking fights with EU neighbors — was misguided and antagonistic, but one thing is clear: It was a mirror reflection of the public sentiment that Italy had been left to deal with the issue alone.
The only way to manage migration more effectively is to breathe new life into the EU’s long-stalled efforts to revamp migration policy. And the only way to do that is to provide long- overdue support to the countries on the bloc’s borders, including Italy, that have been left to deal with the bulk of migrant and refugee arrivals.
Europe can’t expect Italy to do all the heavy lifting — or expect that a change of heart in Rome will be enough to solve the Continent’s migration challenge.
To be sure, there’s plenty more Italy can do.
First and foremost, it should re-open its ports to NGO vessels and scrap the former interior minister’s infamous “security decrees,” which criminalize NGOs active in the Mediterranean. The policy exposes already traumatized people to prolonged and unnecessary suffering, and contravenes international law.
The new government should also endorse the Global Compact on Migration, a non-binding international agreement that helps U.N. member states cooperate on migration and uphold the dignity and fundamental rights of all migrants and refugees. After the previous government shied away from joining the agreement, Italy has an opportunity to demonstrate it is committed to being an international player and a European leader on migration.
But Italy can’t be left to act on its own. Rome has made a step toward the EU — and Brussels has to reciprocate.
European leaders would do well to remember that the Italian government is under strong pressure to deliver immediate results on migration. It needs to demonstrate to its voters that Italy’s interests are better protected under the new coalition than an anti-immigration firebrand like Salvini.
There are three immediate steps that would benefit both sides — and require them both to take a step toward the other.
It’s important that the new government be able to demonstrate that a collaborative approach is more effective than confrontation, in attracting support from Italy’s neighbors and allies.
The political upheaval in Rome opens a window of opportunity for the EU. The bloc’s “emergency mode” approach and its attempts to come up with short-term solutions has clearly failed. With a progressive government in Italy, Brussels has a chance to finally address the gaps in the EU’s own migration system.
There are three immediate steps that would benefit both sides — and require them both to take a step toward the other.
First, at the informal meeting of interior ministers next week, Italy and its EU partners should establish a predictable disembarkation system that safeguards the rights of people rescued at sea. In return for commitments of European solidarity, Italy would pledge to abandon its “closed ports” policy.
Second, search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean should be reinstated. Italy’s softer stance on migration and the recent renewal of Operation Sophia’s mandate send a positive signal. But people at risk of drowning cannot wait — EU governments need to swiftly reinstate the operation’s naval assets and extend its mission to search-and-rescue operations.
Finally, in the course of the next few months, the European Parliament and Commission should revive stalled negotiations around the Common European Asylum System, starting with a swift agreement on an EU-wide resettlement framework guaranteeing a fair distribution of migrants and refugees among willing countries.
There are three immediate steps that would benefit both sides — and require them both to take a step toward the other.
These short-term fixes need not wait for the essential but more difficult discussion around how to more effectively manage migration to Europe in the long term.
Migration is not an issue that the EU can ignore. The number of new arrivals may be down, with the number of people reaching European shores back to pre-2015 levels, but the drivers of forced displacement — including climate change, conflict and poverty — are only becoming more powerful. Managed right, this need not be a crisis for the bloc.
Whether or not Italy leaves the Salvini era behind will largely depend on the ability of European leaders to demonstrate a real commitment to finding common ground on migration around Europe’s core values. Leaving countries like Italy alone to deal with migration only aggravates the situation. Facing that fact would be a good start to tackling the challenge.
Imogen Sudbery is director of policy and advocacy for Europe at the International Rescue Committee.